1. emancipation - EMANCIPATION -i; and. [lat. emancipatio] Book. Liberation from some. dependence, subordination, oppression, smb. restrictions. E. from prejudice. E. women; women's... Kuznetsov's Explanatory Dictionary
2. emancipation - -i, f. book Liberation from some. addictions, withdrawal of smb. restrictions, equal rights. - They want to restore the rights of women, which should not be less than the rights of men. You see, this is called emancipation. Pomyalovsky, Philistine happiness. Small academic dictionary
3. emancipation - noun, number of synonyms: 4 liberation 38 emancipation 5 suffragism 1 emancipation 1 Dictionary of Russian synonyms
4. emancipation - EMANCIPATION, and, g. (book). Liberation from dependence, oppression, inequality. E. women. | adj. emancipatory, oh, oh. Ozhegov's Explanatory Dictionary
5. emancipation - emancipation g. 1. Liberation from any dependence, subordination and humiliation. 2. Equal rights (usually giving women equal rights with men in public and labor activities). Explanatory Dictionary by Efremova
6. emancipation - (from Latin emancipatio) - declaring a minor fully capable. in accordance with Art. 27 of the Civil Code of the Russian Federation, a person who has reached the age of 16 can be declared fully capable if he works under an employment contract, incl. Large legal dictionary
7. emancipation - EMANCIPATION and, g. emancipation f.<�лат. emancipatio. 1. Освобождение от какой-либо зависимости; свободы от того, что стесняет разум и деятельность человека. БАС-1. Католики.. Dictionary of Gallicisms of the Russian language
8. Emancipation - (from Latin emancipatio) liberation from dependence, oppression, prejudice; abolition of restrictions, equalization of rights (for example, E. women). In Russia right... Pedagogical terminological dictionary
9. emancipation - Liberation from power, the granting of freedom Emancipation of women - equalization of their rights with men Wed. Emancipated. Wed. Chaly is looking for various tricks in order to present old and respectable people in a nasty way... Mikhelson's Phraseological Dictionary
10. Emancipation - (from Latin emancipatio - liberation of a son from under paternal authority) liberation from any dependence, guardianship, oppression, equalization of rights (for example, E. women). Great Soviet Encyclopedia
11. EMANCIPATION - EMANCIPATION (from Latin etapsgra-tio - liberation from dependence, subordination) - English. emancipation German Emancipation. Liberation from dependence, oppression, prejudice; the abolition of restrictions, the individual gaining independence and equality, social group. Sociological Dictionary
12. emancipation - orf. emancipation, -and Lopatin's spelling dictionary
13. emancipation - Emancip/atsi/ya [y/a]. Morphemic-spelling dictionary
14. EMANCIPATION - EMANCIPATION (from Latin emancipatio) - liberation from dependence, subordination, oppression, prejudice. Emancipation of women - providing them with equal rights in public, work and family life. Large encyclopedic dictionary
15. emancipation - see >> deliverance, liberation Abramov's dictionary of synonyms
16. emancipation - complete ~ Dictionary of Russian Idioms
17. Emancipation - Emancipatio. The release of a son from paternal authority was accomplished if the father, in the presence of the authorities, sold his son three times for show to a third party (the so-called pater fiduciarius, a father in trust who made a promise... Dictionary of Classical Antiquities
18. emancipation - EMANCIPATION, emancipation, many. no, female (Latin emancipatio) (book). 1. Liberation from some kind of dependence, leading to equalization of rights. Women's emancipation. Emancipation of the peasants. Ushakov's Explanatory Dictionary
19. emancipation - Emancipation, plural. no, w. [latin. emancipatio] (book). 1. Liberation from some. dependencies leading to equal rights. 2. Liberation, freedom from what constrains the mind or activity of a person (for example, from prejudices, conventions, religious requirements, etc.). Large dictionary of foreign words
20. emancipation - Emancipation, emancipation, emancipation, emancipation, emancipation, emancipation, emancipation, emancipation, emancipation, emancipation, emancipation, emancipation, emancipation Zaliznyak's Grammar Dictionary
21. Emancipation - The release of children from parental authority, which had long been for life in various rights. In ancient Rome, to free a son or daughter from parental authority (formerly called manus; see Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus and Efron

Under emancipation originally (from lat. emancipatio) understood the liberation of the son from his father's power. Then this term began to be used in sociology to define the concept of liberation from dependence, oppression, and prejudice.

Women's emancipation- providing women with equal rights in public, work and family life; striving for equal rights for men and women. For what? Historically, the idea was that a woman should sit at home by the hearth, take care of the house and children. By the way, this behavior is inherent at the genetic level of women, they just forgot about it. With the development of humanity, women began to develop along with it and “sitting by the fireplace” became an uninteresting activity.

Women asked for equal rights with men to lead an active public life, but at the same time forgot that they were no one didn't release from their usual responsibilities of bearing and raising children, preparing food, running a household and caring for a man. The load has become two or even three times greater, but the hormonal resources are the same. It’s just that now these resources have been redistributed and began to serve the social needs of women.

With high social aspirations and a high level of stress, the hormonal asset will be redistributed to hormones for maintaining homeostasis (to survive) and fight hormones (androgens) to take a position in society.

There will be no resources left for female hormones and all the gynecological diseases known to us will begin: menstrual dysfunction, hormonal imbalance, lack of ovulation, infertility, miscarriage, abortion, divorce, single-parent families, female unfulfillment.

Entering male territory, starting a career, getting an education, doing business, competing with men in anything, a woman must understand that she is doing this at the expense of her progesterone, which will be used to produce male sex hormones, that Always will be to the detriment of her feminine purpose, and, consequently, her health.

If her choice of social realization is conscious, then she should do it exclusively feminine and always stay the same woman, preserving yourself and your feminine nature and energy.

If a girl has problems with menstruation since the onset of menarche, the mother needs to pay attention to what is actually happening with her child, how much stress the girl’s fragile brain and body receive, how much she sleeps, what she eats, how she spends her time, how much the burden of responsibility for grades at school is great and many people experience various stresses. The further attitude of the girl, and then the woman, to her feminine destiny, to the fact that she is a woman, depends on how the formation of menstrual function proceeds.

Pay attention to what changes occur in your body when the amount of stress goes off scale. The condition of the skin changes, acne appears (the influence of androgens), irritability appears, and there is always a disturbance in the menstrual cycle in the form of sudden bleeding, delay of the next menstruation, disruption in the rhythm of cyclic bleeding, along with all the somatic manifestations of stress - increased blood pressure, edema, disturbance in the cardiovascular system and other vital organs.

When stressed, the female body always receives a “blow from below”, as a reminder that it’s time to reduce stress and take care of yourself, just relax.

Any functional disturbances quickly pass and the menstrual cycle is restored.

With long-term stress, strain, and disturbances in the hormonal system of women, functional changes develop into diseases such as endometriosis, uterine fibroids, endometrial pathology and gynecological oncology.

By declaring her freedom, a woman received not freedom and equality with men, but freedom from her own!

We have been “enjoying” the result of such freedom recently in the form of a decrease in the birth rate, an increase in the number of abortions, an increase in gynecological and oncological pathologies, people’s dissatisfaction with their lives and the lack of a sense of simple human happiness in both men and women.

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Another synonym for the women's movement was the term “women's emancipation.” Emancipation (Latin emancipatio) by F. A. Brockhaus and I. A. Efron is interpreted as “the lawful liberation of a person from legal dependence, granting a disabled person full legal capacity; exemption of a population group from certain restrictions on rights, compared with other citizens”51.

Or, in modern language, this is the process of liberation of any social group or class that is in a dependent position in relation to other social groups and classes.
In the first half of the 19th century - until the early 1860s - the most popular and relevant term was “emancipation of the peasants”. The term “women's emancipation” “appeared in the mid-19th century and initially denoted the movement of women for liberation from dependence and/or oppression, the abolition of restrictions based on gender, and the desire for legal equality of the sexes. lt;...gt; These processes were accompanied by the formation of the women’s movement as a social one.”52
It is important to distinguish between external emancipation - the creation of legal support for freedom of expression and choice of the individual and internal emancipation - the willingness of the individual to accept this freedom.
Features of the study of the women's movement
in Russian historiography
In Soviet historiography, the concepts of “women’s issue” and “women’s movement” were also often used as synonyms. But here it happened in the development of the Marxist interpretation of the “women's question” and the denial of the women's movement as a subject of social action. Historically, this was the result of political struggle at the beginning of the 20th century and the dominance of Marxism as the “only true theory” and the only methodology in Soviet science.
The methodology for studying the women's movement was laid down by the works of A. M. Kollontai, who for a long time was the only Russian Marxist to work on this topic. Kollontai’s thesis that “the women’s world, like the men’s world, is divided into two camps lt;...gt; bourgeois and proletarian"53 showed the way of applying Marxist theory to the phenomenon of the women's movement and feminism. The “birth marks” of the Marxist approach are the assertion of the political independence of the women’s movement, the denial of its significance (merely due to the fact that it was of a liberal nature), the denial of the existence of a feminist movement in Russia, and a statement in opposition to the thesis about the existence of a women’s proletarian movement.
Approaches to studying the topic
The general methodological lack of development of the topic of social movements in domestic science has identified a number of problems in the study of the women's movement.
The topic of social movements in Soviet science was not developed at a theoretical level, and historians avoided defining the women's movement in their works. Therefore, one of the features and problems of the historiography of the Russian women's movement in domestic science is the “unprescribed”, vagueness of the basic concepts of the topic, such as “social movement”, “women’s movement”, “women’s question”, “feminism”, “suffragism”.
As a theoretical approach in Soviet science, the method of considering the women's movement in the broad and narrow senses was used. In a broad sense, the movement meant any political participation of women, and above all participation in the liberation movement. In a narrow sense - the activities of women in amateur women's organizations, caused by the peculiarities of their economic and political situation. Thus, the Great Soviet Encyclopedia defined the women's movement as “the struggle of women for equal rights with men in the economic, socio-political and cultural fields, as well as their participation in the general political struggle”54.
Some researchers who broadly interpreted the women's movement labeled any socio-political activity of women as participation in the women's movement. And then it became possible to conclude that “in the 1870s there was no other women’s movement other than the populist movement”55. Everything that women did in the political sphere - be it work in revolutionary and liberal parties, holding specific women's protests, publishing women's magazines, organizing women's societies, etc. - everything was declared a women's movement. Thus, the phenomenon of the women's social movement as a women's movement was erased. A broad reading of the key term for the topic, provided that the authors did not define the movement, introduced confusion and made works on the topic incomparable and even contradictory.
A broad interpretation of the phenomenon of the women's movement entailed a decrease in its political significance and the assertion of its political independence. Starting with the works of A. M. Kollontai, the liberal women's movement was defined as a movement under the ideological and organizational leadership of the Cadet Party, although in fact it appeared half a century earlier than the Cadet Party itself.
In addition, a broad interpretation of the women's movement was used in Soviet times in various party and government documents, and was presented in official publications. The Great Soviet Encyclopedia defined the tasks of the women's movement after the establishment of Soviet power as “full assistance in the construction of socialism, defense of the socialist fatherland, involvement of all women in active political and social activities”56.
Those researchers who examined the movement in a narrow sense, that is, studied, in fact, the women's movement, were placed within the framework of a class scheme of analysis, which distinguished two directions in it - bourgeois and proletarian. The first Soviet researchers defined participants in the liberal women's movement and feminism as representatives of the bourgeoisie, which was a deliberate and gross simplification. Then, juggling the thesis about the “bourgeois nature of the women’s movement,” they proved its insignificance for Russian society57.
Researchers of the late Soviet era moved away from such a rigid class interpretation of the women's movement and avoided calling participants in the movement bourgeois. In a few monographs exploring the topic of the movement, they considered it either from the standpoint of the “women’s issue”58, or included it as an integral part of the liberation movement59. Both formulations of the research problem are legitimate, but do not place the women’s movement itself as the object of their analysis.
In Soviet science, an attempt was made to consider the women's movement as a kind of holistic social phenomenon through the activities of its organizations. 3. V. Grishina is one of the few researchers of the Soviet era who, in her dissertation research “Women's organizations in Russia. 1905 - February-March 1917”60, made an attempt to theoretically substantiate the significance of the liberal women's movement for the process of social change. She defined the movement as “the social activity of women caused by the peculiarities of their economic, civil and political situation. It is most fully reflected in the activities of organizations created to fight to improve this situation”61. Unfortunately, Grishina’s dissertation research was not published as a monograph. In her further work, Grishina considered the women's movement precisely as a social movement, that is, as a conflict interaction between women and power62.
With regard to the study of feminism, only one thing can be said: neither as a movement practice, nor as a theory, nor as an ideology of the movement in Soviet times was not studied at all. In early Soviet historiography, Russian feminism was mentioned only in the context of the Bolshevik Party’s struggle to involve working women in the revolutionary movement and was viewed as a bourgeois movement of women striving for a separate struggle of women for their equality with men while maintaining the capitalist system63. This thesis is the result of a political struggle and has nothing to do with science.
In late Soviet times, Russian feminism also became a victim of ideological attitudes. It was defined as an anti-men's movement, not typical for Russia64. It is symptomatic that the Russian women’s movement at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries was defined in these studies as a “women’s” movement, and the women’s movement developing in parallel and at the same time in Western countries as a “feminist”. Moreover, the movements were similar in their goals, types of organizations, social composition of participants, collective actions, etc. This is not surprising: the dominant ideology determined the conclusions.
In post-Soviet times, there has been a rethinking of the theoretical foundations of studying the women's movement. Monographic works appeared, written using various theoretical approaches, including gender, and theories of such social sciences as political science and sociology of social movements. Ideological dictatorship is a thing of the past. As a result, not only approaches to the study of movement have changed, but also attitudes towards it and the assessment of its results.
The first monograph of the post-Soviet era on the women's movement in Russia of the first wave (mid-19th - early 20th centuries) belongs to 0. A. Khasbulatova65 and was written from the standpoint of historical and political science analysis. This was followed by books by S. G. Aivazova66, 0. A. Khasbulatova and N. B. Gafizova67. In these studies, the position of women in Russian society is described in terms of discrimination, the fact of the existence of the women's movement is recognized as natural and important for the development of civil society and the formation of a democratic state. The women's movement is seen as a confrontation between power and women represented by women's organizations, and the organizations themselves as the organizational structure of the movement.
These works provide definitions of the women's movement. This is “a set of many women’s organizations, groups and associations with fixed and non-fixed membership that actively operate in society with the aim of satisfying any material, social, political, spiritual or other interest, adjusting government policy in order to achieve gender equality - actual equality women and men in various spheres of public life”68; “a special form of political and social action aimed at fundamental changes in traditional power relations - at the political modernization of society”69.
The negative attitude towards feminism and the denial of its existence in Russia are a thing of the past. The works of S. G. Aivazova laid the foundation for the study of Russian feminism. She views feminism both as a conceptual justification for the women’s movement, and as a philosophy and ideology “not even so much of women’s equality itself, but of the liberation of the individual from the repressive power of the clan, the separation, and autonomization of the individual from the clan principle”70.
Periodization of the women's movement
The question of the periodization of the women's movement in Russia has always been important for historians when analyzing the movement. Authors of the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, Soviet times, and modern Russian researchers thought about this topic.
“Biographers” of the movement of the 19th and early 20th centuries took as the basis for periodization either significant events from the history of the movement, or the creation of certain women's organizations. For example, the Union for Women's Equality, as a new type of political organization of women. But one way or another, they all agreed that the movement started in the late 1850s and early 1860s.
In the works of Soviet times, a number of authors (E. A. Pavlyuchenko, S. N. Serditova, G. A. Tishkin) define periods of movement based on the goals of the latter - higher education, suffrage, participation in revolutionary activities. In addition, in the works of A. M. Kollontai, I. F. Armand, S. N. Serditova, the stage of formation of the women’s labor movement was highlighted71.
3. V. Grishina, in her dissertation research, connected the stages of development of the movement with macro-level events and obtained the following picture: from the 1850-1860s to 1905 - the initial stage of the movement, the formulation of the “women’s question”; 1905-1907 - the formation of the political nature of the movement; 1907-1914 - the women's movement of the period of the Stolypin reaction and the beginning of a new revolutionary upsurge; 1914-1917 - the women's movement during the First World War and the February bourgeois-democratic revolution72.
In the dissertation work of E. P. Khmeliauskienė, two stages of the women's movement are highlighted: 1861-1905 - the formation stage and 1905-1917 - the stage of politicization and expansion of the social base of the movement73.
0. A. Khasbulatova defined the first stage - the stage of formation of the women's movement - as the years 1859-1894, the second stage - the stage of politicization and changes in the infrastructure of society - 1895-191774.
S. G. Aivazova considers the Russian women's movement on a larger scale, going beyond the scope of the first wave. She identifies three stages of the domestic women's movement, which correlate with global events in the history of our country.
The first stage - 1861-1917 - development of the movement in the conditions of liberal-democratic modernization; the second stage - 1917-1985 - movement in the conditions of socialist construction; the third stage - the 1990s - the movement of times of transition to a market economy and a democratic state of law75.
In the proposed work, the periodization of the women's movement is also based on the idea that the genesis of the movement is directly related to changes in structural macroconditions. In other words, changes in the socio-economic, political, and organizational capabilities of society (i.e., external macro-level factors), which are also the resources of the movement, are the most important factor allowing the formation of a social movement. Thus, the events of the 1860s determined the same goals, direction, type of organizations, collective action and leadership in the women's movement. The introduction of suffrage and the creation of the Russian parliament in the form of the State Duma required other actions, leaders, and ideology justifying women’s claims to political rights.
External resources of the movement are considered at two levels: the macro level (political and general social conditions that form the fundamental possibilities for the emergence of a social movement in a specific historical situation) and the meso level (social institutions, relations at the level of social groups).
Another idea underlying periodization is that the women's movement and feminism are two inextricably linked stages of one movement. Feminism grew out of the women's movement, rethinking the experience of the women's movement and theoretically justifying the interests of women as a large social group and their discrimination based on gender.
Therefore, the first stage of the women's movement occurred in the years 1858-1905. It is defined as a stage of the women's movement. Its essence was an attempt to improve the position of women in traditional Russian society, to find opportunities for the development of a woman’s personality and her self-realization. The gender system of society was not questioned, women's problems were not understood from theoretical positions, the ideology of the movement was absent - there was no need for it yet.
1858 is the year of the meeting of the founders of the Russian women's movement, the time of the first conversations, discussions of the problems of women's participation in public affairs and the initiation of the first amateur women's organization. The first stage of the movement ended in 1905 with the adoption of the electoral law, which upset the balance of gender disenfranchisement of the Russian population and made women outsiders of institutional politics. The macroconditions for the development of the movement have changed, and this has led to fundamental changes in the movement.
The second stage of the movement is feminist. It started in 1905 and ended in 1918. Beginning in 1905, the goals of the movement were revised and set narrowly and specifically. The activities of women's movement activists to achieve the goals of the movement made them doubt the fairness of the social organization of society. At the end of the 19th century, in the speeches and articles of participants in the movement, ideas were heard that could rightfully be called feminist - in other words, feminist theory and ideology of the movement began to take shape. 1905 provided new arguments for the development of the theory and ideology of feminism. This year the first women's organization with political goals appeared. The repertoire of collective actions has changed. These changes were brought to life by the processes of democratization of Russian society, the emergence of new external resources, which were expressed in the opening of new political opportunities, such as the introduction of suffrage, a change in the scale of political relations, and the emergence of new political structures. 1918 - end of the second stage. Political conditions have changed again. Women's organizations dissolved themselves or were closed by the authorities. This happened throughout the country - in hungry and freezing Petrograd, and in Moscow, and in the provinces.
In the new political and economic conditions, the women's movement, using the ideas, traditions, and experience of the pre-revolutionary women's movement and feminism, manifested itself in the form of Soviet feminism. Despite the change in the social composition of the participants in the new Soviet women's movement and Soviet feminism, it is a continuation in other conditions of the functioning of the pre-revolutionary women's movement of the first wave.
In 1930, the first wave of the Russian Soviet women's and feminist movements ended. The movement has completed its development cycle. This happened not because it solved its problems, exhausted its intellectual, organizational, and leadership potential, but because its goals and the goals of the authorities diverged diametrically, and it was forcibly liquidated “from above.”
Domestic historiography is characterized by the study of the political, socio-economic, and cultural situation in the country, that is, in sociological terms, the study of external factors at the macro level of the development of the movement. Factors at the average and individual levels were not built up or were built up fragmentarily, as an addition. Therefore, the organizational capabilities of the movement, its ideology and symbolism, motives, functions, roles of movement participants, etc., that is, positions important for the analysis of movements from the standpoint of the sociology of social movements, were missed. Thus, a number of topics and problems of the movement, necessary for understanding the phenomenon of social movement, have not found coverage in domestic historiography.
Work in recent years has closed this gap. S. G. Aivazova studies the ideas of Russian feminism, the development in Russia of the topic of women’s rights and their “development” in the process of modernization of the country76. 0. A. Khasbulatova in her work draws attention to the stable ideas, cultural norms that existed in relation to women in Russian society in the 19th century, and their significance for the movement77. N. B. Gafizova is developing the topic of interaction of Russian women with international women's organizations and establishing contacts between the Russian women's movement and the international one. M. V. Rabzhaeva examines the process of women's emancipation through the prism of gender construction and thereby illuminates the latent period of the women's movement78.
The fact of the existence of the women's proletarian movement has been recorded in Russian historiography. The tradition dates back to the works of A. M. Kollontai. It was she who realized in her works the thesis about the bourgeois and proletarian women's movement, which was common among Social Democrats at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries. The first, in her opinion, united the “bourgeois women,” which meant women from all non-proletarian strata of society. The second united women workers.
Perhaps in Germany and Finland there was a real proletarian women's movement, but which A. M. Kollontai referred to. But in Russia there were no independent women's workers' organizations and, accordingly, a women's labor movement. Kollontai defined her political task as creating a women's proletarian movement. And although she put a lot of effort and time into implementing this idea, she, of course, failed to do this. Those workers whom she prepared to participate in the First All-Russian Women's Congress, or those who entered the Mutual Assistance Society of Women Workers that she created, were not representatives and spokesmen for the interests of the broad masses of Russian women workers as a special social group. Any movement presupposes the formation of a collective identity, determination of the interests of one’s group, initiative in the creation of organizations (the organizational structure of the movement) and actions, the development of a movement ideology, and the cultivation of “one’s own” leaders. One person is not able to “shake up”, organize and influence the self-determination of such a large and inert social group as women workers were at the beginning of the 20th century in Russia. The work of A. M. Kollontai was only the first step of Russian Marxists towards working women and the first step in understanding the interests of proletarian women as a specific social group.
The activities of A. M. Kollontai are the political work of an activist in the social democratic movement. In 1905, she became concerned about the activation of feminists and the establishment of contacts between women workers and equal rights workers and tried to cut off women workers from the competing political force in the form of Russian feminism, motivating her actions with the desire to prevent “the dispersion of the working class along gender lines.” Kollontai suggested that the Social Democrats create women's working groups within the party, but was criticized for feminism. But this did not stop her, and in 1907 she initiated the first women's workers' organization -. The Society for Mutual Aid of Working Women (St. Petersburg Working Women's Club), which later allowed historians and politicians to talk about the emergence of a women's proletarian movement in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. However, A. M. Kollontai herself began its countdown with the participation of women in the first labor strikes in the early 1870s79.
Thus, Kollontai contrasted the existing liberal women's movement, feminism, with the not yet existing women's labor movement. This thesis is confirmed by the fact that there are no independent women's workers' organizations, i.e., an organizational structure of the movement. A. M. Kollontai assessed the activities of equal rights, to put it mildly, with a fair amount of negativism80. R. Staite noted, and one cannot but agree with him, that Kollontai deliberately distorted the facts when describing the activities of Russian feminists81.
There were many difficulties with the interpretation of the women's labor movement in Russian historiography. From the party's attitude that there are no reasons for its occurrence to declarations about its existence. From considering it as the “female side” of the labor movement without its own structure with the explanation that women workers do not have “specific women’s tasks, specific interests that differ from the interests of the entire proletariat” (Kollontai)82, to recognizing the need for separate women's proletarian organizations as “additional” to general workers’ organizations and endowing them with the functions of “propaganda and agitation” (Krupskaya)83. From defining their goal as a struggle in the ranks of the proletariat for universal liberation to setting two goals for them - a joint struggle with men for the liberation of their class and “against the oppression of women in society” (Kollontai)84.
This paper argues that the women's labor movement appeared in Russia only in 1917, when the collective identity of women workers in large cities was formed, their self-identification as a special social group; when they defended the interests of their own social group, that is, they took their first independent actions. The organizational structure of the women's labor movement were organizations created for women workers by feminists and socialists. The ideology of this movement was based on feminist and Marxist theses. A substantive study of the women's labor movement is still waiting in the wings and its researcher. In my opinion, it began in 1917 and ended in 1930, when the women’s councils that formed the organizational structure of the movement were abolished.
Regarding the issue of the effectiveness of the movement, Soviet studies asserted the importance of the women's proletarian movement in the class struggle of the proletariat and valued the contribution of proletarian women very highly. The women's liberal movement was assessed either as not playing a significant role in the development of Russian society, or as having an increasing impact on the development of the revolutionary process in Russia. In recent years, this conclusion has been revised. The movement is assessed as a subject of social progress85, as a resource for the modernization of Russia86.
Based on all of the above, it follows that the presence of a fairly extensive historiography does not mean that the phenomenon of the first wave of women’s movement has been studied in Russian science. Historical studies devoted to the “women's issue”, individual problems or periods of the movement did not provide a holistic picture of the women's movement in Russia throughout its existence. These studies did not analyze the problems raised by the movement in terms of the movement, that is, in the plane of the specific interaction between the authorities and women as representatives of a special social group.
This is due to the tradition of considering social movements from the perspective of the Marxist paradigm. This approach did not allow us to comprehend the diversity of forms of social movements and led to the description of movements as unambiguous, definite and given phenomena. With regard to the women's movement, the situation is even more dramatic. The concept of class does not fit well with the category of gender: the class approach denies the validity of the existence of the women's movement as such and its influence on the process of social change. This is precisely what explains the low degree of study and generalization of the Russian women's movement of the first wave in Soviet historiography, and especially Russian feminism as a constituent part of it.
In recent years, as already mentioned, generalizing works have appeared based on the methodology of related social sciences, which have moved away from Marxist analysis and presented the women's movement in a different light. This work was written in continuation of this tradition.

On March 8, 2005, President Putin held, as expected, a meeting with Russian women. It is symptomatic that it was not secretaries and housewives who were invited to the Kremlin to the president, but marine and special forces soldiers, pilots, front-line intelligence officers - veterans of the Great Patriotic War and the war in Afghanistan, as well as ladies currently serving in the Chechen Republic. Thus, by the beginning of the 21st century in Russia, as in the West, women's equality had become a harsh reality. True, the consequences of “women's liberation” for the entire society turned out to be much larger than could have been expected.

It's all John Mill's fault

Suffragists are participants in the movement to give women equal rights with men to participate in elections at all levels. Not to be confused with “feminists”, whose range of demands is much wider.

When the first women's movements began, there was no foreshadowing of the upheavals that the modern world owes to feminism. At the end of the 18th and beginning of the 19th centuries, the demands of the ladies were very modest - they just sought the right to education, productive work and participation in the political process.

Although the idea that female beings are capable of working, studying and generally being responsible for their actions occurred to the philosophers of the Enlightenment, and the first Women's Scientific Society was founded in the Dutch city of Middleberg back in 1785, the official history of the struggle for gender equality began in 1869 with the publication of John Stuart Mill's The Enslavement of Women, the author of which set out to prove that society could benefit if centuries-old shackles were removed from women.

Inspired by Mill, women in the United States and Europe first of all began to fight for voting and property rights. Although already at the end of the 19th century some progressive young ladies abandoned corsets and came to Zurich and the Sorbonne to receive higher education, women were inspired to seriously fight not by the desire to wear trousers and receive an academic degree, but by the desire to take part in elections. The women's issue first hit the front pages thanks to the suffragettes of the British Women's Social and Political Union.

About the sexual revolution- for some it is a symbol of the long-awaited liberation of women from the shackles of patriarchal morality, for others it is a way invented by men to achieve sexual intimacy with a larger number of people of the opposite sex than before.
About the place of a woman in the world- some feminists are sure that women are no different from men, some believe that gender differences exist objectively, but do not at all speak of male superiority.

It is curious that the members of this union adopted very radical methods of fighting for the right to fill out the ballot. From 1906 they held demonstrations and hunger strikes to demand Parliament pass a new Vote Bill. Often the union's actions ended in smashing store windows or setting fire to public buildings. The authorities had to arrest the angry ladies, in response to which they declared prison hunger strikes, and prison staff were forced to resort to force-feeding. In 1913, photographs of women with feeding tubes in their noses made it into the media, forcing Parliament to pass the Cat and Mouse Act, which allowed starving suffragettes to be released from prison and re-arrested once they stopped their hunger strike. This whole story allowed the suffragettes to gain sympathy in society, but British women received the opportunity to vote only in 1918, and the right to vote was given only to married ladies who had reached 30 years of age.

Rosie the Riveter

Poster with the image of "Rosie the Riveter" and the inscription "We can do it!", illustration from the site www.samesexmarriage.ca

One way or another, by the early 1920s, women in the United States and many European countries received voting and property rights. The First and Second World Wars also gave them the opportunity to try traditionally male jobs. In the forties, the image of “Rosie the Riveter” - a woman who entered production to replace men who had gone to the front - was extremely popular in the United States. The years of World War II also saw the emergence of the Women's Baseball League in the United States. True, in the forties and fifties, female baseball players wore skirts and were required to wear lipstick.

Although the end of the war forced women to give up many positions and jobs to returning soldiers, most of the legal barriers to their active participation in economic and social life had been removed by the early sixties. However, in order to achieve complete equality of the sexes, it was necessary to finally eliminate the differences in the status of men and women, not only in the face of the law, but also in the minds of people. This is what the “second wave” feminists did, thanks to whom feminism became an odious concept.

The 1960s saw the rise of radical feminism, which saw the enslavement of women as the primary form of enslavement in society and sued pornographic magazines for commodifying women's bodies. One of the radical feminists, Andrea Dworkin, even became the heroine of pornographic comics published by Hustler magazine in retaliation for the lawsuit she filed. It was representatives of this trend of feminism who organized the famous demonstration against the Miss America pageant in 1968, during which they threw bras, silk stockings and cosmetics into trash cans.

At this time in Russia

The number of women working in the US and Europe has increased by an average of 113 percent since the 1970s, and by 2010 women will make up 48 percent of the workforce in developed countries. Over the past years, the difference in average male and female salaries has also decreased - in the United States it now amounts to only 33 cents on the dollar.

In one-sixth of the world called the Russian Empire, women's rights, as with everything else, were somewhat different. The first women's public organization appeared here in 1812 and was called the Women's Patriotic Society. The real struggle for equal rights for women began in Russia in 1859 with the advent of M.V., founded by aristocrats. Trubnikova and N.V. Stasova "Society of Cheap Apartments". The fight for voting rights was not discussed here due to the absence of elections as such. The main interest of the participants in the Russian women's movement was the achievement of economic independence by representatives of the fairer sex.

If you have read Chernyshevsky’s novel “What is to be done?”, then you can roughly imagine the activities of the “Society of Cheap Apartments.” His clients, mostly poorly educated workers, lived in premises rented with cooperative money, did handicrafts that were sold, diligently educated themselves and followed the rules established by society. As for the representatives of the Russian intelligentsia, it was thanks to Stasova’s activities that they received the opportunity to attend Higher Women’s Courses. By 1878, there were already five similar institutions in Russia, including the Bestuzhev courses that went down in history. To complete their higher education, Russian women went to Europe, and at the end of the 19th century, out of 1,200 foreign students at the University of Zurich, 700 had a Russian passport.

Already at the end of the century before last, the Russian women's movement (and Russian women almost never called themselves “feminists”) was noticeably different from their Western counterparts. Firstly, women in Russia have always considered themselves “helpers of men” and were not going to fight them. By the way, the number of men involved in solving the “women’s issue” in pre-revolutionary Russia was unprecedentedly high. Secondly, the struggle for women's rights in Russia has always been part of the struggle for the rights of other categories of citizens, which also made men and women of “good will” more allies than opponents.

In 1917, after the February Revolution, women for the first time received the right to participate in elections and made up 12 percent of candidates for the Constituent Assembly from the Cadets and 10 percent from the Bolsheviks. After the October Revolution, the Bolsheviks announced that all women's issues would be resolved in the near future and banned feminist organizations. Indeed, in 1918, the decree “On Civil Marriage” was adopted, which for the first time in Europe gave women the right to keep their maiden name; in 1920, the Soviet government legalized abortion; in 1926, in order to get a divorce, it became enough for one of the spouses to send a postcard to the registry office.

However, by the 1930s, the situation with the birth rate became so critical that the process went in the opposite direction. By 1948, it was possible to get a divorce only through the court, 12 years earlier abortions were banned (allowed again in 1955), and in 1935 the production of contraceptives completely ceased in the USSR. Moreover, starting from 1935, women were obliged to work in factories and mines on an equal basis with men. But the share of women in Soviet governing bodies by the beginning of the eighties reached only 5 percent, and there was not a single lady in the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, with the exception of Ekaterina Furtseva. By the way, as the legend says, this Soviet lady also became a victim of gender inequality - there was no women’s restroom next to the office where the Politburo met, and she had to leave the meetings for a long time to get to the women’s restroom, located in the other wing of the building.

In the 1980s, at the peak of the dissident movement, the first feminist organizations modeled on Western models appeared in the USSR. They were founded by members of the human rights movement after they realized that their male comrades were not at all interested in the “women’s issue.” In 1979, an attempt was made to publish the independent magazine “Women and Russia,” the entire circulation of which was arrested; in 1981-1982, another feminist magazine called “Maria” was published in the Russian Federation.

The most significant event in the women's political history of post-Soviet Russia was the victory of the Women of Russia movement in the State Duma elections in 1993. However, subsequently women's issues were crowded out of the consciousness of Russians by problems of survival.

Costs of equality

Although most women in the United States and Europe did not follow the example of radical feminists, almost all of them were able to benefit from full gender equality. In the period from the early sixties to the late eighties, women achieved permission for the widespread sale of birth control pills (in the United States, the corresponding law came into force in 1960, and in France in 1967) and abortion, the introduction of the concept of “divorce by birth.” mutual consent" (in the first half of the twentieth century, in case of any divorce, the court was obliged to find the culprit of what was happening) and society's recognition of the fact that a woman, like a man, can have several sexual partners.

Contemporary American feminists insist that gender inequality is rooted in language in which the word "man" is often used instead of the word "person." Some of them are even pushing for the introduction of a new term - "womyn" - to refer to both men and women. Feminist censorship did not even bypass the Bible - in 1975 the first feminist version of the Holy Scripture saw the light of day, in which after the words “God the father” it was written “and mother” in parentheses.

However, the result of the activities of women's rights fighters by the beginning of the 21st century somewhat exceeded the expectations of the founding mothers of this movement. Leah Macko and Kerry Rubin's recently published case study, "The 30 Year Crisis," reveals how many pregnant or postpartum women suffer because their bosses despise them for choosing to become mothers despite their successful careers. Modern women know that they are obliged to “get everything in full” (that is, to start a family and make a career no less successful than their husband). Therefore, the average age of birth of the first child in developed countries ranges from 26 years in Canada to 30 years in France, and the fall in the birth rate has long been one of the main problems of the EU.

The fight against the commodification of women's love has led to the emergence of such exotic concepts as "sexual harassment in the workplace." On February 8, 2005, FedEx paid $1 million to a woman who complained to a court about a manager's refusal to discipline an employee who repeatedly propositioned her romantically. Under threat of lawsuits, men are not taking the risk of looking for love at work, which leaves thousands of Bridget Jones spenders in the office 12 hours a day with nothing better to do than write dreary diaries.

One is not born a woman, one becomes one

Meanwhile, “third wave” feminists are developing theories in which the word “sex” is replaced by the word “gender” and no longer refers to innate biological characteristics, but only to attitudes imposed on it by society. According to Queer Theory, which came into fashion in the 90s, there are no men and women in the world. It's just that people born with one type of genitalia are socially instructed to think of themselves as "women" and people born with another type of genitalia as "men." Once we get rid of this offensive mistake, the issue of equality will disappear along with the genders themselves. True, family, sex, fashion magazines, maternity wards of hospitals and brothels will go into oblivion with them.

But residents of the Russian Federation need not worry: thanks to the peculiar form of women’s equality adopted in the USSR and the harsh realities of post-Soviet life, for most modern Russian women, patriarchy, hated by Western feminists, has become more of a dream promising well-being than a system that must be fought.

Women's emancipation

Processes of social mobility of women associated with the social differentiation of women as a separate social group (with their own interests, different from the interests of the family, clan, children, etc.) and the emergence of women from the private sphere into the public sphere. The term appeared in the mid-nineteenth century. and initially denoted the movement of women for liberation from dependence and/or oppression, the abolition of restrictions based on gender, and the desire for legal equality of the sexes. The goals of this kind of movement are aimed at changing existing social positions: achieving equal rights in wages, education, etc. These processes are accompanied by the formation of the women's movement as a social movement.

The emancipation of women is associated with women gaining experience in public space, experience in presenting themselves as individuals, and experience in representing their interests in society. By the middle of the 19th century, women in Western Europe, unlike women in Russia, already had these skills and experience. This skill of independent presence in public space, together with the experience of social struggle, allowed women in Western Europe to begin an organized struggle for their rights, through specially organized women's movements, which in the 19th century. resulted in suffragism (see). In Russia, women had no experience of independent presentation in public space, so they had to (in the shortest possible time) engage in constructing and establishing new forms of gender identity and attribution in society.

The emancipation of women occurs at various levels: 1) at the legal level - through gaining equal rights and opportunities with men; 2) on the social level - through the differentiation of women as a separate social group from other social groups and gaining experience in defending their own rights; 3) on the individual level - through awareness of the value of the female personality, reflection of one’s own social and bodily experience, acquisition of skills and experience of behavior in public space.

Women's emancipation (English)

Literature:

Mironov B. N. Social history of Russia. In 2 vols. T. 1. St. Petersburg, 1999.

Rabzhaeva M. Women's emancipation as an experience in constructing gender (based on the sociocultural situation in Russia in the 50-60s of the 19th century) // Gender Studies, N 5 (2/2000): Kharkov Center for Gender Research.

Temkina A. Women's movement as a social movement: history and theory // Gender notebooks. Vol. 1. St. Petersburg, 1997.

© M. V. Rabzhaeva

Thesaurus of Gender Studies Terminology. - M.: East-West: Women's Innovation Projects. A. A. Denisova. 2003.

See what “Emancipation of Women” is in other dictionaries:

Women's emancipation- the desire to equalize the rights of both sexes, coming from the idea that initially all human individuals were equal to each other and that inequality of the sexes owes its origin to the forced subjugation of women by men. E. is,… … Encyclopedic Dictionary F.A. Brockhaus and I.A. Efron

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EMANCIPATION- EMANCIPATION, emancipation, many. no, female (lat. emancipatio) (book). 1. Liberation from some kind of dependence, leading to equal rights. Women's emancipation. Emancipation of the peasants. “When peasant emancipation took place, then for the souls... ... Ushakov's Explanatory Dictionary

EMANCIPATION- (from Latin emancipatio) liberation from dependence, subordination, oppression, prejudice. Emancipation of women providing them with equal rights in public, work and family life... Big Encyclopedic Dictionary

Emancipation- (from the Latin emancipatio, liberation of a son from under paternal authority) liberation from dependence, subordination, oppression, prejudice. Emancipation of women providing them with equal rights in public, work and family life. Political Science:… … Political science. Dictionary.

Emancipation (sociology)- This term has other meanings, see emancipation (meanings). Part of a series of articles on discrimination Basic forms ... Wikipedia

emancipation- And; and. [lat. emancipatio] Book. Liberation from what l. dependence, subordination, oppression, etc. restrictions. E. from prejudice. E. women; female e. (providing women with equal rights with men in public, labor, family... ... encyclopedic Dictionary

emancipation- liberation from power, granting freedom Emancipation of women, equalization of their rights with men Wed. Emancipated. Wed. Chaly is looking for various tricks in order to present old and respectable people, who are already quite a lot offended, in a nasty way... Michelson's Large Explanatory and Phraseological Dictionary

EMANCIPATION- (from Latin emancipare to free a son from under paternal authority) 1) liberation from dependence, prejudice, guardianship; abolition of restrictions, equalization of rights (eg, emancipation of women); 2) legal declaring a minor fully capable... Professional education. Dictionary

emancipation- EMANCIPATION, and, w Book. Social action representing liberation from what l. addictions, oppression, abolition of what l. restrictions, equal rights (usually about giving women equal rights with men in public, labor... Explanatory dictionary of Russian nouns

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